Fears that the election of Donald Trump marked the beginnings of a theocracy in the United States seemed a little dramatic but the re-establishment of a White House Faith office, headed by Reverend Paula White, does little to allay these fears. Aimed at targeting “anti-Christian bias,” the new office represents the latest in a series of events that have chipped away at the secularization of the Western powerhouse.
If we understand religion to have a large influence on policy decisions and political parties, it must also hold influence on voting behaviour and political identity. The key to Donald Trump’s victories in both 2016 and 2024 was Evangelical Christians – a voter bloc rising in both public consciousness and power.
Religious alignment as a determinant of voting behaviour seems to have surpassed even that of race – with 48 per cent of white voters voting for Trump in 2024, yet 80 per cent of white Evangelical Christians. The same held true among different ethnic groups – with the majority (57 per cent) of Hispanic Evangelical Christians casting their vote for the Republican nominee. The intersection of religious and political identity, then, becomes key to understanding election outcomes, and to future election campaigns. Trump’s campaign has been adept at fusing patriotic nationalism with Christian fundamentalism. He has created in the minds of Americans the archetype of the ideal American citizen: God-fearing, flag-waving church goer. In the midst of the demographic changes in the US, he positions himself as a man of God, able to salvage the country from other subversive groups, I’ll leave it to the reader to determine who these groups are. Religious scapegoating and Christian nationalism combine to create the cult-like attachment that evangelical Christians have to Trump as their “protector.”
The only way, then, that the Democratic party can overpower the charisma cult of the Donald, is to understand the link between Christianity and nationalism that has gripped America by the throat.
Far from being an American problem, the issue of religious scapegoating extends across the West. From France’s niqab ban to Reform’s electoral success, built on fearmongering Islamophobia, religion has long been weaponized by the right. Playing on people’s fears of multiculturalism and changing demographics of the country, the far right weaponizes religion as a means of offering an explanation for these changes. By positioning Christianity as “British” or “American” or “French,” any other religion is “othered,” and thus poses a threat to the homogeneity of the nation and its traditions. The demonization of other religions as a political tactic on the right is, terrifyingly, on the rise. The left must tap into why people are so afraid of other religions, be it economic reasons or lack of education, and remedy it, if they are to undermine the huge appeal of far-right parties.
Yet, even on the left, the intersection of religion and political identity has never been stronger. The anti-semitism scandal that the Labour Party found themselves embroiled in during the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn is perhaps the most pertinent example. Following a series of allegations of an anti-semitic culture within the Labour Party, and Corbyn’s fierce critique of the Israeli state, Labour found itself rapidly losing the trust of Jewish voters, most of whom support the existence of the Israeli state, an issue which saw the resignation of several MPs and bitter infighting that lasted years.
As Labour tried desperately to regain the trust of Jewish voters following the EHRC report on antisemitism in the party, their unsympathetic approach to the conflict in the Middle East saw them lose considerable support amongst Muslim voters. As Britain’s bombs rained down on children in Gaza, Muslim voters, who are overwhelmingly pro-Palestine, felt increasingly alienated from the Labour Party. The party that had been quick to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine now stood silent as Israel invaded Rafah. This had consequences for the party in the 2024 General election. Leicester South (with a 30 per cent Muslim population) saw Labour MP Jon Ashworth lose his seat to independent MP Shockat Adam.
Of course, religion is not homogenous, and there are several factors that act as determinants of voters’ positions on foreign policy such as the Israel/Gaza conflict, but it has certainly played a contentious role in the fate of the Labour Party. Starmer now faces the difficult task of regaining the trust of its Muslim voters, while clinging onto the precarious trust that Jewish voters have regained.
Religion has never been more important to understanding contemporary politics. The trend of secularization is slowing, and religion has crept its way into policy-making across the Western world. From foreign to domestic policy, religion and political identity are undeniably fused, making understanding religion and religious motivations crucial for both electoral success, and to stop the gains of far-right parties as they seek to demonize religion for political gain.
“Vice President Pence at the Faith Based Leaders Briefing” by The White House is marked with Public Domain Mark 1.0.
